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"By
Reason of Religious Training and Belief..."
A History of
Conscientious
Objection and Religion
during the
Vietnam War
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ÁßÀÇ ¾ç½ÉÀû °ÅºÎ¿Í Á¾±³ÀÇ ¿ª»ç
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By Karl D. Nelson
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Introduction
Definitions
Historiography
Chatper
Summary
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"If a nation can prosecute a war and at the same time exhibit tolerance
and understanding to those who have conscientious objections to war, then its
civilization is healthy and flourishing."1
- General Lewis
B. Hershey, Director, Selective Service System.
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Ç¥½ÃÇÒ ¼ö ÀÖ´Ù¸é, ±× ¹®¸íÀº °Ç°ÇÏ¸ç ¹øÃ¢ÇÒ °ÍÀÌ´Ù."
- ·çÀ̽º B. Çã½Ã À屺, ´ëüº¹¹«Á¦µµ ±¹Àå
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The United States has always provided for those
who were conscientiously opposed to bearing arms in the military. Until 1940
conscientious objectors came predominately from the historic peace churches.
Throughout the Vietnam War era the legal, political, and religious view of
conscientious objection changed dramatically. Several Supreme Court decisions
during the Vietnam conflict led to a substantial increase in the number of men
classified as conscientious objectors with either a mainstream religious or
secular background. In addition to the Court's re-interpretation of the
conscientious objection qualifications, many mainstream religious groups
actively endorsed conscientious objection, reflecting their members' growing
disillusionment with war.2 This mainstream support brought conscientious
objection out of the religious and social margins and into mainstream America.
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A conscientious objector (C.O.) was a person who, based on religious or moral
principles, refused to fight in the military. Unlike draft resisters, who often
went "underground" or fled the country to avoid military service,
conscientious objectors worked within the legally established Selective Service
System (S.S.S.). A man with a C.O. classification was not exempted from service;
in place of combatant military service, C.O.s were required to perform either
non-combatant military duty (Selective Service designation I-A-O) or alternate
civilian service (I-O). During the Vietnam conflict there were three categories
of conscientious objectors. The first, and most numerous, was I-O. Men
classified as I-Os were unwilling to perform any military service, opting instead to fulfill their obligation through civilian public
service.3 Men classified I-A- O objected to
fighting in the military, but not to serving in it.4 They were assigned
non-combatant roles in the military, usually serving as medics. Third, the
military provided for servicemen to be honorably discharged as conscientious
objectors. Even with the low morale at the depths of the Vietnam conflict, this
last category was numerically insignificant.
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Historians have yet to tackle conscientious objection to Vietnam with the
same tenacity as they have written about objectors to previous wars. The best
and most recent book that deals with Vietnam War conscientious objection is by
Charles C. Moskos and John Whiteclay Chambers II.5 Their 1993 study is broad,
examining conscientious objection in a number of countries, including America.
However, because they have cast their net so wide, the Vietnam period only
receives cursory treatment. The only history solely about Vietnam-era
conscientious objection is a 1990 master's thesis by Jean Mansavage.6 Mansavage
focuses on alternate service and the increasing secularization of conscientious
objection, largely ignoring the role of the churches during the Vietnam era.
This oversight, as well as a number of factual inconsistencies, reduces the
usefulness of her study. Scholars have approached the C.O. question from a
number of angles. Stuart Showalter analyzed the response of the press to C.O.s
during the Vietnam war.7 Ronald Parks wrote a history of
conscientious objectors from the United Methodist Church.8 Parks' work was the only
mainstream study of a single religious group with regards to conscientious
objection. Beverly Houghton examined C.O.s from a sociological point of view.9
Conscientious objection is usually discussed in books written on conscription,
such as 's The Draft, published in 1993.10 Naturally, conscientious objection is only a small portion of
these much broader studies.
Of interest to anyone studying the religious response to the Vietnam war is
Mitchell K. Hall's Because of Their Faith, his 1990 study of the group
Clergy and Laymen Concerned about Vietnam (CALCAV).11 Hall documents the history
of this large ecumenical anti-war group and analyzes the spectrum of responses
to the Vietnam war within the religious community.
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John Whiteclay Chambers II¿¡ ÀÌÇÑ °ÍÀÌ´Ù. ±×µéÀÇ 1993³â ¿¬±¸´Â
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°ÍÀÌ´Ù. ÇÐÀÚµéÀº CO ¹®Á¦¸¦ ¿©·¯
°¢µµ·Î Á¢±ÙÇÏ¿©¿Ô´Ù. Stuart Showalter´Â
º£Æ®³² ÀüÀï ÁßÀÇ ¾ð·ÐµéÀÇ CO¿¡
´ëÇÑ ¹ÝÀÀÀ» ºÐ¼®ÇÏ¿´´Ù. Ronald Parks´Â
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¿¬±¸ÇÏ¿´´Ù. ¾ç½ÉÀû °ÅºÎ´Â ÁÖ·Î, 1993³â
¹ßÇàµÈ George Q. FlynnÀÇ [¡º´]°ú
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Chapter I examines the beginnings of religious conscientious objection, from
the Roman era through the early twentieth century. Special attention is placed
on the history of American conscientious objection, especially as America
started to use large-scale conscription in the Civil War and World War I.
Throughout this period in America, tolerance was reserved only for those members
of the "historic peace churches."Only these few pacifists could gain
C.O. status, leaving out other religious or secular objectors. Chapter II deals
with the World War II C.O. experience. The 1940 Selective Service Act created
the administrative system that remained intact throughout the Vietnam war. Also,
World War II marked the first time conscientious objector status was granted
based on individual belief, not affiliation with a particular pacifist church.
Despite this, most objectors still were members of the historic peace churches.
Some post-war legislative changes would set the stage for the legal challenges
that would alter the nature of conscientious objection during the Vietnam war
era.
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Chapter III is a legal history of conscientious objection during the Vietnam
war. Two crucial Supreme Court cases, United States v. Seeger in 1965 and
Welsh v. United Statesin 1970, radically altered the government's
definition of religion and conscientious objection. A third case, Gillette v.
United States,upheld
the U.S. government's traditional position against selective conscientious
objection, despite strong support from many religious groups. Chapter IV deals
with the procedures of Vietnam-era conscientious objection by presenting an
overview of the C.O. experience during this period. This includes an examination
of the Selective Service System, the alternate work program, and statistics
relevant to conscientious objection. Groups such as in-service objectors and
non-combatants are also discussed. Chapter V examines the relationship between
religious groups and conscientious objection. The religious response to the
Vietnam war in general was quite varied. Most denominations showed at least some
support for conscientious objection. Throughout the war, the percentage of C.O.s
from historic peace churches fell significantly, largely because of a rise of
C.O.s from mainstream churches or with no religious affiliation. The support of
conscientious objection and the increase of mainstream C.O.s reflects mainstream
America's dissatisfaction with war.
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Footnotes
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1.Selective Service
System, Evaluation of the Selective Service Program, (Washington, D.C.:
U.S. Government Printing Office, 1956), 205.
2. In this context,
"mainstream" religious groups refers to the large, mainline Jewish,
Protestant, and Catholic denominations. Mainstream groups are contrasted with
the historic peace churches, which have existed on the periphery of
Protestantism.
3.The Universal
Military Training and Service Act of 1951 (Statutes at Large 65
(1951):86) provided for a system of alternate service for C.O.s classified I-O.
4. To the Selective Service, a I-A-O was nearly the same as a I-A (fit for regular
duty). In official statistics the two groups were lumped together and I-A-Os
counted towards meeting monthly draft quotas.
5. Charles C. Moskos and John
Whiteclay Chambers II, The New Conscientious Objection:From Sacred to Secular
Resistance(New York:Oxford University Press, 1993).
6. Jean Mansavage,
"Alternatives to Arms 1-W Conscientious Objectors to the Vietnam War"
(master's thesis, Texas A&M University, 1990).
7. Showalter, Stuart Wesley.
"Coverage of Conscientious Objectors to the Vietnam War: An Analysis of the
Editorial Content of American Magazines, 1964-1972 (Ph.D. diss., University of
Texas, Austin, 1975).
8. Ronald S. Parks, "The United
Methodist Conscientious Objector in the Vietnam War Era:A Study of Ethical
Formulation and Implementation" (Ph.D. diss., Drew University, 1992).
9.
Beverly D. Houghton, "Conscientious Objection:Socialization and Social
Deviance" (Ph.D. diss., University of Minnesota, 1973).
10. George Q. Flynn, The
Draft, 1940-1973(Lawrence, Kan.: University Press of Kansas, 1993).
11. Mitchell K. Hall, Because
of Their Faith:CALCAV and Religious Opposition to the Vietnam War,(New York:
Columbia University Press, 1990).
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[ Introduction ] [ 1. The Development of Conscientious Objection Through World War I ] [ 2. World War II and the Origin of Modern Conscientious Objection ] [ 3. Legal History of Conscientious Objection ] [ 4. Conscientious Objection During the Vietnam War ] [ 5. The Religious Response to Conscientious Objection ] [ 6. Conclusion ] [ Tables and Charts ] [ Bibliography ]
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