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American Transcendentalism
Excerpted from: "Liquid
Fire Within Me": Language, Self and Society in Transcendentalism and
early Evangelicalism, 1820-1860, M.A. Thesis in English by Ian Frederick
Finseth, 1995.
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"I should have told them at once that I was a transcendentalist. That
would have been the shortest way of telling them that they would not understand
my explanations." - H. D. Thoreau
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TRANSCENDENTALISM cannot be properly understood
outside the context of Unitarianism, the dominant religion in Boston during
the early nineteenth century. Unitarianism had developed during the late
eighteenth century as a branch of the liberal wing of Christianity, which
had separated from Orthodox Christianity during the First
Great Awakening of the 1740s. That Awakening, along with its successor,
revolved around the questions of divine election and original sin, and
saw a brief period of revivalism. The Liberals tended to reject both the
persistent Orthodox belief in inherent depravity and the emotionalism of
the revivalists; on one side stood dogma, on the other stood pernicious
"enthusiasm." The Liberals, in a kind of amalgamation of Enlightenment
principles with American Christianity, began to stress the value of intellectual
reason as the path to divine wisdom. The Unitarians descended as the Boston
contingent of this tradition, while making their own unique theological
contribution in rejecting the doctrine of divine trinity.
Unitarians placed a premium on stability, harmony, rational thought,
progressive morality, classical learning, and other hallmarks of Enlightenment
Christianity. Instead of the dogma of Calvinism intended to compel obedience,
the Unitarians offered a philosophy stressing the importance of voluntary
ethical conduct and the ability of the intellect to discern what constituted
ethical conduct. Theirs was a "natural theology" in which the individual
could, through empirical investigation or the exercise of reason, discover
the ordered and benevolent nature of the universe and of God's laws. Divine
"revelation," which took its highest form in the Bible, was an external
event or process that would confirm the findings of reason. William
Ellery Channing, in his landmark sermon "Unitarian
Christianity" (1819) sounded the characteristic theme of optimistic
rationality:
Our leading principle in interpreting Scripture is this, that the Bible
is a book written for men, in the language of men, and that its meaning
is to be sought in the same manner as that of other books.... With these
views of the Bible, we feel it our bounden duty to exercise our reason
upon it perpetually, to compare, to infer, to look beyond the letter to
the spirit, to seek in the nature of the subject, and the aim of the writer,
his true meaning; and, in general, to make use of what is known, for explaining
what is difficult, and for discovering new truths.
The intellectual marrow of Unitarianism had its counterbalance in a strain
of sentimentalism: while the rational mind could light the way, the emotions
provided the drive to translate ethical knowledge into ethical conduct.
Still, the Unitarians deplored the kind of excessive emotionalism that
took place at revivals, regarding it as a temporary burst of religious
feeling that would soon dissipate. Since they conceived of revelation as
an external favor granted by God to assure the mind of its spiritual progress,
they doubted that inner "revelation" without prior conscious effort really
represented a spiritual transformation.
Nonetheless, even in New England Evangelical Protestants were making
many converts through their revivalist activities, especially in the 1820s
and 1830s. The accelerating diversification of Boston increased the number
of denominations that could compete for the loyalties of the population,
even as urbanization and industrialization pushed many Bostonians in a
secular direction. In an effort to become more relevant, and to instill
their values of sobriety and order in a modernizing city, the Unitarians
themselves adopted certain evangelical techniques. Through founding and
participating in missionary and benevolent societies, they sought both
to spread the Unitarian message and to bind people together in an increasingly
fragmented social climate. Ezra Stiles Gannett, for example, a minister
at the Federal Street Church, supplemented his regular pastoral duties
with membership in the Colonization, Peace and Temperance societies, while
Henry Ware Jr. helped found the Boston Philanthropic Society. Simultaneously,
Unitarians tried to appeal more to the heart in their sermons, a trend
reflected in the new Harvard professorship of Pastoral Theology and Pulpit
Eloquence. Such Unitarian preachers as Joseph Stevens Buckminster and Edward
Everett "set the model for a minister who could be literate rather than
pedantic, who could quote poetry rather than eschatology, who could be
a stylist and scorn controversy." But they came nowhere near the emotionalism
of the rural Evangelical Protestants. Unitarianism was a religion for upright,
respectable, wealthy Boston citizens, not for the rough jostle of the streets
or the backwoods. The liberalism Unitarians displayed in their embrace
of Enlightenment philosophy was stabilized by a solid conservatism they
retained in matters of social conduct and status.
During the first decade of the nineteenth century, Unitarians effectively
captured Harvard with the election of Rev. Henry Ware Sr. as Hollis Professor
of Divinity in 1805 and of Rev. John Thorton Kirkland as President in 1810.
It was at Harvard that most of the younger generation of Transcendentalists
received their education, and it was here that their rebellion against
Unitarianism began. It would be misleading, however, to say that Transcendentalism
entailed a rejection of Unitarianism; rather, it evolved almost as an organic
consequence of its parent religion. By opening the door wide to the exercise
of the intellect and free conscience, and encouraging the individual in
his quest for divine meaning, Unitarians had unwittingly sowed the seeds
of the Transcendentalist "revolt."
The Transcendentalists felt that something was lacking in Unitarianism.
Sobriety, mildness and calm rationalism failed to satisfy that side of
the Transcendentalists which yearned for a more intense spiritual experience.
The source of the discontent that prompted Emerson
to renounce the "corpse-cold Unitarianism of Brattle Street and Harvard
College" is suggested by the bland job description that Harvard issued
for the new Professor of Natural Religion, Moral Philosophy and Civil Polity.
The professor's duties were to
... demonstrate the existence of a Deity or first cause, to prove and
illustrate his essential attributes, both natural and moral; to evince
and explain his providence and government, together with the doctrine of
a future state of rewards and punishments; also to deduce and enforce the
obligations which man is under to his Maker .... together with the most
important duties of social life, resulting from the several relations which
men mutually bear to each other; .... interspersing the whole with remarks,
showing the coincidence between the doctrines of revelation and the dictates
of reason in these important points; and lastly, notwithstanding this coincidence,
to state the absolute necessity and vast utility of a divine revelation.
Perry Miller has argued persuasively that the Transcendentalists still
retained in their characters certain vestiges of New England Puritanism,
and that in their reaction against the "pale negations" of Unitarianism,
they tapped into the grittier pietistic side of Calvinism in which New
England culture had been steeped. The Calvinists, after all, conceived
of their religion in part as man's quest to discover his place in the divine
scheme and the possibility of spiritual regeneration, and though their
view of humanity was pessimistic to a high degree, their pietism could
give rise to such early, heretical expressions of inner spirituality as
those of the Quakers and Anne Hutchinson. Miller saw that the Unitarians
acted as crucial intermediaries between the Calvinists and the Transcendentalists
by abandoning the notion of original sin and human imperfectability:
The ecstasy and the vision which Calvinists knew only in the moment
of vocation, the passing of which left them agonizingly aware of depravity
and sin, could become the permanent joy of those who had put aside the
conception of depravity, and the moments between could be filled no longer
with self-accusation but with praise and wonder.
For the Transcendentalists, then, the critical realization, or conviction,
was that finding God depended on neither orthodox creedalism nor the Unitarians'
sensible exercise of virtue, but on one's inner striving toward spiritual
communion with the divine spirit. From this wellspring of belief would
flow all the rest of their religious philosophy.
Transcendentalism was not a purely native movement, however. The Transcendentalists
received inspiration from overseas in the form of English and German romanticism,
particularly the literature of Coleridge, Wordsworth and Goethe, and in
the post-Kantian idealism of Thomas Carlyle and Victor Cousin. Under the
influence of these writers (which was not a determinative influence, but
rather an introduction to the cutting edge of Continental philosophy),
the Transcendentalists developed their ideas of human "Reason," or what
we today would call intuition. For the Transcendentalists, as for the Romantics,
subjective intuition was at least as reliable a source of truth as empirical
investigation, which underlay both deism and the natural theology of the
Unitarians. Kant had written skeptically of the ability of scientific methods
to discover the true nature of the universe; now the rebels at Harvard
college (the very institution which had exposed them to such modern notions!)
would turn the ammunition against their elders. In an 1833 article in The
Christian Examiner entitled simply "Coleridge," Frederic Henry Hedge, once
professor of logic at Harvard and now minister in West Cambridge, explained
and defended the Romantic/Kantian philosophy, positing a correspondence
between internal human reality and external spiritual reality. He wrote:
The method [of Kantian philosophy] is synthetical, proceeding from
a given point, the lowest that can be found in our consciousness, and deducing
from that point 'the whole world of intelligences, with the whole system
of their representations' .... The last step in the process, the keystone
of the fabric, is the deduction of time, space, and variety, or, in other
words (as time, space, and variety include the elements of all empiric
knowledge), the establishing of a coincidence between the facts of ordinary
experience and those which we have discovered within ourselves ....
Although written in a highly intellectual style, as many of the Transcendentalist
tracts were, Hedge's argument was typical of the movement's philosophical
emphasis on non-rational, intuitive feeling. The role of the Continental
Romantics in this regard was to provide the sort of intellectual validation
we may suppose a fledgling movement of comparative youngsters would want
in their rebellion against the Harvard establishment.
For Transcendentalism was entering theological realms which struck the
elder generation of Unitarians as heretical apostasy or, at the very least,
as ingratitude. The immediate controversy surrounded the question of miracles,
or whether God communicated his existence to humanity through miracles
as performed by Jesus Christ. The Transcendentalists thought, and declared,
that this position alienated humanity from divinity. Emerson leveled the
charge forcefully in his scandalous Divinity
School Address (1838), asserting that "the word Miracle, as pronounced
by Christian churches, gives a false impression; it is Monster. It is not
one with the blowing clover and the falling rain." The same year, in a
bold critique of Harvard professor Andrews Norton's magnum opus The
Evidence of the Genuineness of the Four Gospels, Orestes
Brownson identified what he regarded as the odious implications of
the Unitarian position: "there is no revelation made from God to the human
soul; we can know nothing of religion but what is taught us from abroad,
by an individual raised up and specially endowed with wisdom from on high
to be our instructor." For Brownson and the other Transcendentalists, God
displayed his presence in every aspect of the natural world, not just at
isolated times. In a sharp rhetorical move, Brownson proceeded to identify
the spirituality of the Transcendentalists with liberty and democracy:
...truth lights her torch in the inner temple of every man's soul,
whether patrician or plebeian, a shepherd or a philosopher, a Croesus or
a beggar. It is only on the reality of this inner light, and on the fact,
that it is universal, in all men, and in every man, that you can found
a democracy, which shall have a firm basis, and which shall be able to
survive the storms of human passions.
To Norton, such a rejection of the existence of divine miracles, and the
assertion of an intuitive communion with God, amounted to a rejection of
Christianity itself. In his reply to the Transcendentalists, "A Discourse
on the Latest Form of Infidelity," Norton wrote that their position "strikes
at root of faith in Christianity," and he reiterated the "orthodox" Unitarian
belief that inner revelation was inherently unreliable and a potential
lure away from the truths of religion.
The religion of which they speak, therefore, exists merely, if it exists
at all, in undefined and unintelligible feelings, having reference perhaps
to certain imaginations, the result of impressions communicated in childhood,
or produced by the visible signs of religious belief existing around us,
or awakened by the beautiful and magnificent spectacles which nature presents.
Despite its dismissive intent and tone, Norton's blast against Transcendentalism
is an excellent recapitulation of their religious philosophy. The crucial
difference consisted in the respect accorded to "undefined and unintelligible
feelings."
The miracles controversy revealed how far removed the Harvard rebels
had grown from their theological upbringing. It opened a window onto the
fundamental dispute between the Transcendentalists and the Unitarians,
which centered around the relationship between God, nature and humanity.
The heresy of the Transcendentalists (for which the early Puritans had
hanged people) was to countenance mysticism and pantheism, or the beliefs
in the potential of the human mind to commune with God and in a God who
is present in all of nature, rather than unequivocally distinct from it.
Nevertheless, the Transcendentalists continued to think of themselves as
Christians and to articulate their philosophy within a Christian theological
framework, although some eventually moved past Christianity (as Emerson
did in evolving his idea of an "oversoul") or abandoned organized religion
altogether.
Transcendentalists believed in a monistic universe, or one in which
God is immanent in nature. The creation is an emanation of the creator;
although a distinct entity, God is permanently and directly present in
all things. Spirit and matter are perfectly fused, or "interpenetrate,"
and differ not in essence but in degree. In such a pantheistic world, the
objects of nature, including people, are all equally divine (hence Transcendentalism's
preoccupation with the details of nature, which seemed to encapsulate divine
glory in microcosmic form). In a pantheistic and mystical world, one can
experience direct contact with the divinity, then, during a walk in the
woods, for instance, or through introspective contemplation. Similarly,
one does not need to attribute the events of the natural world to "removed"
spiritual causes because there is no such separation; all events are both
material and spiritual; a miracle is indeed "one with the blowing clover
and the falling rain."
Transcendentalists, who never claimed enough members to become a significant
religious movement, bequeathed an invaluable legacy to American literature
and philosophy. As a distinct movement, Transcendentalism had disintegrated
by the dawn of civil war; twenty years later its shining lights had all
faded: George Ripley and Jones Very died in 1880, Emerson in 1882, Orestes
Brownson in 1876, Bronson
Alcott in 1888. The torch passed to those writers and thinkers who
wrestled with the philosophy of their Transcendentalist forebears, keeping
it alive in the mind more than in the church. At his one-hundredth lecture
before the Concord Lyceum in 1880, Emerson looked back at the heyday of
Transcendentalism and described it thus:
It seemed a war between intellect and affection; a crack in Nature,
which split every church in Christendom into Papal and Protestant; Calvinism
into Old and New schools; Quakerism into Old and New; brought new divisions
in politics; as the new conscience touching temperance and slavery. The
key to the period appeared to be that the mind had become aware of itself.
Men grew reflective and intellectual. There was a new consciousness ....
The modern mind believed that the nation existed for the individual, for
the guardianship and education of every man. This idea, roughly written
in revolutions and national movements, in the mind of the philosopher had
far more precision; the individual is the world.
The Transcendentalists had stood at the vanguard of the "new consciousness"
Emerson recalled so fondly, and it is for their intellectual and moral
fervor that we remember them now as much as for their religious philosophy;
the light of Transcendentalism today burns strongest on the page and in
the classroom, rather than from the pulpit.
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