XXXVII. THE AMRITSAR
CONGRESS
The Punjab Government could not keep in confinement
the hundreds of Punjabis who, under the martial law
regime, had been clapped into jail on the strength of the
most meagre evidence by tribunals that were courts only
in name. There was such an outcry all round against this
flagrant piece of injustice that their further
incarceration became impossible. Most of the prisoners
were released before the Congress opened. Lala
Harkishanlal and the other leaders were all released,
while the session of the Congress was still in progress.
The Ali Brothers too arrived there straight from jail.
The people's joy knew no bounds. Pandit Motilal Nehru,
who, at the sacrifice of his splendid practice, had made
the Punjab his headquarters and had done great service,
was the President of the Congress; the late Swami
Shraddhanandji was the Chairman of the Reception
Committee.
Up to this time my share in the annual proceedings of
the Congress was confined only to the constructive
advocacy of Hindi by making my speech in the natinal
language, and to presenting in that speech the case of
the Indians overseas. Nor did I expect to be called upon
to do anything more this year. But, as had happened on
many a previous occasion, responsible work came to me all
of a sudden.
The King's announcement on the new reforms had just
been issued. It was not wholly satisfactory even to me,
and was unsatisfactory to everyone else. But I felt at
that time that the reforms, though defective, could still
be accepted. I felt in the King's announcement and its
language the hand of Lord Sinha, and it lent a ray of
hope. But experienced stalwarts like the late Lokamanya
and Deshabandhu Chittaranjan Das shook their heads.
Pandit Malaviyaji was neutral.
Pandit Malaviyaji had harboured me in his own room. I
had a glimpse of the simplicity of his life on the
occasion of the foundation ceremony of the Hindu
University; but on this occasion, being in the same room
with him, I was able to observe his daily routine in the
closest detail, and what I saw filled me with joyful
surprise. His room presented the appearance of a free inn
for all the poor. You could hardly cross from one end to
the other. It was so crowded. It was accessible at all
odd hours to chance visitors who had the licence to take
as much of his time as they liked. In a corner of this
crib lay my charpai in all its dignity.
But I may not occupy this chapter with a description
of Malaviyaji's mode of living, and must return to my
subject. I was thus enabled to hold daily discussions
with Malaviyaji, who used lovingly to explain to me, like
an elder brother, the various view-points of the
different parties. I saw that my participation in the
deliberations on the resolution on the reforms was
inevitable. Having had my share of responsibility in the
drawing up of the Congress report on the Punjab wrongs, I
felt that all that still remained to be done in that
connection must claim my attention. There had to be
dealings with Government in that matter. Then similarly
there was the Khilafat question. I further believed at
that time that Mr. Montagu would not betray or allow
India's cause to be betrayed. The release of the Ali
Brothers and other prisoners too seemed to me to be an
auspicious sign. In these circumstances I felt that a
resolution not rejecting but accepting the reforms was
the correct thing. Deshabandhu Chittaranjan Das, on the
other hand, held firmly to the view that the reforms
ought to be rejected as wholly inadequate and
unsatisfactory. The late Lokamanya was more or less
neutral, but had decided to throw in his weight on the
side of any resolution that the Deshabandhu might
approve.
The idea of having to differ from such seasoned, well
tried and universally revered leaders was unbearable to
me. But on the other hand the voice of conscience was
clear. I tried to run away from the Congress and
suggested to Pandit Malaviyaji and Motilalji that it
would be in the general interest if I absented myself
from the Congress for the rest of the session. It would
save me from having to make an exhibition of my
difference with such esteemed leaders.
But my suggestion found no favour with these two
seniors. The news of my proposal was somehow whispered to
Lala Harkishanlal. 'This will never do. It will very much
hurt the feelings of the Punjabis,' he said. I discussed
the matter with Lokamanya, Deshabandhu and Mr. Jinnah,
but no way out could be found. Finally I laid bare my
distress to Malaviyaji. 'I see no prospect of a
compromise,' I told him, 'and if I am to move my
resolution, a division will have to be called and votes
taken. But I do not find here any arrangements for it.
The practice in the open session of the Congress so far
has been to take votes by a show of hands with the result
that all distinction between visitors and delegates is
lost, while, as for taking a count of votes in such vast
assemblies, we have no means at all. So it comes to this
that, even if I want to call a division, there will be no
facility for it, nor meaning in it.' But Lala
Harkishanlal came to the rescue and undertook to make the
necessary arrangements. 'We will not,' he said, 'permit
visitors in the Congress pandal on the day on which
voting is to take place. And as for taking the count,
well, I shall see to that. But you must not absent
yourself from the Congress.' I capitulated; I framed my
resolution, and in heart trembling undertook to move it.
Pandit Malaviyaji and Mr. Jinnah were to support it. I
could notice that, although our difference of opinion was
free from any trace of bitterness, and although our
speeches too contained nothing but cold reasoning, the
people could not stand the very fact of a difference; it
pained them. They wanted unanimity.
Even while speeches were being delivered, efforts to
settle the difference were being made on the platform,
and notes were being freely exchanged among the leaders
for that purpose. Malaviyaji was leaving no stone
unturned to bridge the gulf. Just then Jeramdas handed
over his amendment to me and pleaded in his own sweet
manner to save the delegates from the dilemma of a
division. His amendment appealed to me. Malaviyaji's eye
was already scanning every quarter for a ray of hope. I
told him that Jeramdas's amendment seemed to me to be
likely to be acceptable to both the parties. The
Lokamanya, to whom it was next shown, said, "If
C.R.Das approves, I will have no objection.' Deshabandhu
at last thawed, and cast a look towards Sjt. Bepin
Chandra Pal for endorsement. Malaviyaji was filled with
hope. He snatched away the slip of paper containing the
amendment, and before Deshabandhu had even pronounced a
definite 'yes', shouted out, 'Brother delegates, you will
be glad to learn that a compromise had been reached.'
What followed beggars description. The pandal was rent
with the clapping of hands, and the erstwhile gloomy
faces of the audience lit up with joy.
It is hardly necessary to deal with the text of the
amendment. My object here is only to describe how this
resolution was undertaken as part of my experiments with
which these chapters deal.
The compromise further increased my responsibility.
|
